The party has fielded presidential tickets since and congressional and state candidates since but only in a small number of states. At the national convention, the party narrowly adopted a controversial change to the platform's preamble which declared "that the foundation of our political position and moving principle of our political activity is our full submission and unshakable faith in our Savior and Redeemer, our Lord Jesus Christ" -- although the party officially invites "all citizens of all faiths" to become active in the party. Any national candidate seeking the party's nomination is explicitly required to tell the convention of any areas of disagreement with the party's platform. Longtime party activist and attorney Darrell Castle was the CP's Presidential nominee 6th place - 0.
Institute for the Study of the Americas Citation: At first sight, it seems to uncritically support the Cuban Revolution. However, as one progresses the tone becomes much more nuanced. There emerges a basic sympathy for the aims and objects of the revolution, clearly announced in the introduction, without hiding areas where Cuba has not lived up to these expectations.
Thus, most US and Cuban scholars see the relationship between the USA and Cuba as being dominant, while most politicians and journalists used to see Cuba as a cats-paw for the USSR and now the last vestige of a defeated system.
Therefore, given the widely received wisdom in the USA that Castro is the last of the Stalinist dictators with no redeeming features, there must be a great temptation to bend the stick, and it will probably be useful for American teachers to have the Cuban side of the argument expressed simply and without rhetoric.
This could be particularly useful as the anti-Castro view is given a fair hearing in the process. The weakest part of the book is the section leading up to the victory of the rebel forces in Januarywith several unfortunate formulations and simplifications which could lead to confusion if this was the only source used.
The overwhelming importance of the United States blockade of the island clearly emerges here and the approach of linking politics and economics works well.
This came to an end with the Rectification Campaign and the book presents the opposing views of this episode. Was it a hard-line crack-down in response to perestroika and glasnost in Russia or was it a return to the roots of the revolution to avoid the growing inequality, poverty and corruption in the failing USSR?
This is the book at its best, presenting both sides of the debate in a manner that will be useful for teachers wishing to provide students with the wherewithal to reach their own rational conclusions.
Less useful is the section on democracy which, rather than explaining how the political system actually functions, contents itself with a criticism of the lack of democracy in the US system.
While many would agree with this assessment of the US version of democratic procedures, it hardly advances our understanding of the Cuban version of politics, which is far more complex than the simple dictatorship so dear to the world view of the Miami exiles, Fox News and the CIA.
In this instance, Luis Suarez of Havana University is cited to advance the explanation from a Cuban perspective and this is a good example of the way in which the book uses less widely known scholars to introduce students to voices outside the western mainstream.
The history of the implacable hostility displayed by the US government towards revolutionary Cuba is well known. Nevertheless, the details of the twists and turns, the use of economic and military action and the outright support for terrorism still makes shocking reading when outlined in chronological order.
There is little attempt at balance here and I would argue that this is justified, given the fact that most of the anti-Castro action had to be done in a covert fashion as it was extreme even by the standards of right-wing America. There is nothing new in this section of the book, but it is useful to have it all in one place.
In particular, we can clearly see the relationship between periods of heightened US hostility and Cuban internal repression of dissent, as a siege mentality developed.
This is brought into the 21st century with the appointment of James Cason as head of the US Interests Section, as the pseudo-embassy is known. His role in financing dissidents is probably less well known, particularly in the USA, the country whose interests he is supposed to be representing.
These developments are placed in an international political context and thereby become more explicable, even to those who disapprove.
These cultural restrictions sent many artists and sports personalities into exile. Some seeking the possibility of greater expression, others, particularly the athletes and baseball stars, seeking the economic advantages not available to them in Cuba.
In addition to the standard arguments about exporting dissent, it treats the subject to a wider ranging enquiry, placing Cuban emigration in its regional context, pointing out the way in which Cuban migrants are treated so much more favourably by the USA than other Latinos.
Thus the Migration and Refugee Act allowed virtually all Cubans to obtain refugee status on entering the United States. This compares unfavourably with, for example, Salvadorians and Guatemalans fleeing right-wing death squads in the s.
However, when the Cuban government opened the port of Mariel to any who wished to leave, US hypocrisy was revealed as they immediately put on pressure for the port to be closed. In the former case they inflicted a defeat of the South African Defence Force, which is widely credited with playing an important part in the final overthrow of the Apartheid state.
Conversely, their involvement in Ethiopia was to help shore up an unpleasant dictatorship that just happened to be allied with the Soviet Union. There is practically no common ground between those like Terry Coleman and Johnetta Cole, who see the problem of racial discrimination being practically solved, compared to Carlos Moore who stresses what he sees as the marginalisation of black Cubans.
The contradictions resulting from this struggle for survival are spelled out in detail, the increased inequality and the growth of prostitution are contrasted with the efforts to maintain the health and education infrastructure in the face of a situation she describes as a classic structural adjustment programme, but without the loans to sustain it.
On the other hand, the system survived against all the odds and despite the dire predictions of the western media. Understanding the Special Period is indispensable to a sensible analysis of the Cuba of today. The treatment here is inevitably brief, given the size and scope of the book, but it does give an introduction and overview, while the author has an interesting way of challenging received wisdom.
I particularly like the way she expresses the economic relationship with the old Soviet Union. Indeed this ability to express matters in a way that questions standard assumptions more than compensates for the stylistic inadequacies which I bemoaned earlier.
When discussing the seemingly intractable problem of dealing with the dual currency, she explains that some see the convertible peso as a tax on enterprise and the economic restrictions as a punishment that is visited upon those who have profited from the new, semi-capitalist, economy which has developed as the country emerges from the Special Period.
However, others see these measures as an important means to attempt to restore a measure of equality. The discussion reminds us that the oft-repeated refrain, that the development of an entrepreneurial middle class is a positive development, is not unchallenged.
There is an alternative point of view which sees that middle class as a grasping petit-bourgeoisie overly concerned with their own material advancement and lacking proper feelings of solidarity.
The author of this book writes from a position of obvious sympathy for the aims and objects of the Cuban revolution, but combines this with an honest approach to the many situations where the they have failed to live up to those expectations.
This is combined with a nice eye for contradictions and a balance in fairly outlining the arguments of those opposed to her views. In the case of the Cuban revolution, this book fulfils that intent and appears as a useful addition to the available teaching material.The music of Cuba, including its instruments, performance and dance, comprises a large set of unique traditions influenced mostly by west African and European (especially Spanish) music.
Due to the syncretic nature of most of its genres, Cuban music is often considered one of the richest and most influential regional musics of the world.
Dear Twitpic Community - thank you for all the wonderful photos you have taken over the years. We have now placed Twitpic in an archived state. The Cuban revolution inspired revolutionaries throughout Latin America as idealistic young men and women took up arms to try and change hated governments for new ones.
The results were mixed.
In Nicaragua, rebel Sandinistas eventually did overthrow the government and come to power. Feb 08, · Related | The slide show “Unpredictable Uprisings” provides photos and brief overviews of historical revolutions and related events, including the American Revolution: Even the American Revolution took years to arrive at the country’s present Constitution.
At first sight, it seems to uncritically support the Cuban Revolution.
However, as one progresses the tone becomes much more nuanced. There emerges a basic sympathy for the aims and objects of the revolution, clearly announced in the introduction, without hiding areas where Cuba has not lived up to these expectations.
Cuban Revolution vs American Revolution. No description by marcos demetrio on 21 October Tweet. Comments (0) More presentations by marcos demetrio Latin American Culture in Sports.
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